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Introduction -- Theoretical and Analytical Framework -- The evolution and Trends of Eurosceptic Success -- Do Eurosceptic Parties influence their Party Systems? -- The Circumstances and Dynamics of Eurosceptic Contagion -- Explaining Contagion - Tactical, Ideological, or Geographical Impulses? -- Eurosceptic Contagion and European Elections -- Conclusion and Discussion.

The monograph explores to what degree Eurosceptic Contagion occurs in West-European Party Systems, by taking party position shifts on the EU-integration dimension as the dependent variable and eurosceptic election results as the main predictor in the analysis. The core argument of the work is that political parties at the ideological center of their party systems use the electoral success of parties that are skeptical of European integration as indicators of changes in public political preferences. In order to avoid losing voters to these parties, moderate parties will qualify their positions on the issue of EU integration. Against the backdrop of change in European Politics, the aim of this monograph is dual: to contribute to our understanding of political party behavior as well as explore the direction of EU integration politics.

Rodrik's Trilemma rests on the incompatibility of democracy, national sovereignty, and global economic integration: any two can be combined, but never all three simultaneously and in full. Addressing the same problèmatique but from a different perspective, Dahrendorf's Quandary posits that, over time, maintaining global economic competitiveness requires countries either to adopt measures detrimental to the cohesion of civil society or to restrict civil liberties and political participation. The purpose of this article is to examine the empirical foundations of Rodrik's and Dahrendorf's propositions.
When one assesses developed market economies from 1991 to 2014, evidence suggests that only in rare cases can the Trilemma be overcome, and the tensions the Quandary hypothesizes build up to a significant extent. In most cases examined, however, the performance of the countries is too varied to support the broad claims Rodrik and Dahrendorf put forth in their respective writings. Specifically, next to the small group of five cases where either the Trilemma or the Quandary apply, there are twice as many countries that generally managed to grow moderately in terms of economic globalization, liberal democracy, and social cohesion while avoiding some of the tensions implied in the Quandary or reaching Trilemma conditions. For an even larger group of countries, the evidence suggests that growing economic globalization can coexist with lower societal stressor levels.

"In this paper we give conditions in which the integral equation
$$x(t)=\displaystyle\int_a^c K(t,s,x(s))ds+\int_a^t H(t,s,x(s))ds+g(t),\ t\in [a,b],$$
where $a<c<b$, $K\in C([a,b]\times [a,c]\times \mathbb{B},\mathbb{B})$, $H\in C([a,b]\times [a,b]\times \mathbb{B},\mathbb{B})$, $g\in C([a,b],\mathbb{B})$, with $\mathbb{B}$ a (real or complex) Banach space, has a unique solution in $C([a,b],\mathbb{B})$. An iterative algorithm for this equation is also given."

AbstractDahrendorf´s Quandary, an early formulation of the Rodrik Trilemma, stipulates that maintaining economic competitiveness requires countries either to adopt measures detrimental to the cohesion of civil society, or to restrict civil liberties and political participation. The global financial and economic crisis of 2008–09 offers a test case for the applicability of the Quandary. We do so by examining economic, political and social stressors afflicting countries during the period of 2009–2014 relative to the severity and type of crises they experienced, and the ensuing political consequences for economy policy, democracy and society prevalent in 2019. We find that the Quandary does not apply uniformly across advanced market economies. Instead we detect distinct clusters that vary in their intensity of the tension the Quandary stipulates. We also find a consistent and positive relationship between Quandary intensity and crisis severity, yet obtain inconclusive results when looking at the relationship with current trends. The findings suggest that the crisis preparedness and the actual governance capability of countries to address the negative effects of economic globalization are key to managing the tensions inherent in the Dahrendorf Quandary and the Rodrik Trilemma.

Dahrendorf´s Quandary, an early formulation of the Rodrik Trilemma, stipulates that maintaining economic competitiveness requires countries either to adopt measures detrimental to the cohesion of civil society, or to restrict civil liberties and political participation. The global financial and economic crisis of 2008–09 offers a test case for the applicability of the Quandary. We do so by examining economic, political and social stressors afflicting countries during the period of 2009–2014 relative to the severity and type of crises they experienced, and the ensuing political consequences for economy policy, democracy and society prevalent in 2019. We find that the Quandary does not apply uniformly across advanced market economies. Instead we detect distinct clusters that vary in their intensity of the tension the Quandary stipulates. We also find a consistent and positive relationship between Quandary intensity and crisis severity, yet obtain inconclusive results when looking at the relationship with current trends. The findings suggest that the crisis preparedness and the actual governance capability of countries to address the negative effects of economic globalization are key to managing the tensions inherent in the Dahrendorf Quandary and the Rodrik Trilemma. While Dahrendorf seems to assume that societies may be more likely to abandon liberal democracy for the sake of preserving social cohesion, Rodrik seems to lean towards the expectation that countries will roll back globalization in order to maintain the other two elements.

"Let (X, d) be a complete dislocated metric space, (Y, ρ) be a semimetric space and f, g : X → Y be two mappings. Several coincidence point results are obtained for singlevalued and multivalued mappings. Keywords: Dislocated metric space, semimetric space, singlevalued and multivalued mapping, comparison function, comparison pair, lower semi-continuity, coincidence point displacement functional, iterative approximation of coincidence point, weakly Picard mapping, pre-weakly Picard mapping."

"The aim of this paper is to study the existence and uniqueness of solutions for some Fredholm integral equation systems by applying the vectorial form of Maia's fixed point theorem. Some abstract Gronwall lemmas and an abstract comparison lemma are also obtained."

This paper focuses on the role of diffusion-weighted MRI of ovarian tumors as a potential biomarker to detect and
characterize malignancy, and to improve the accuracy of preoperative diagnosis and postoperative follow-up to optimize
therapeutic management. This is an original retrospective study of 76 patients with ovarian masses who underwent surgery
between May 2014 and March 2016 at the "Dr Carol Davila" Central Military University Gynaecology Department. Patients
underwent preoperative, 6-month, and 12-month postoperative evaluation of ovarian tumors using diffusion-weighted MRI. Due
to the accuracy of this method using specific sequences in tissue characterization, magnetic resonance imaging can be used in
the diagnostic work-up of complex adnexal masses.